Democracy on trial when an MP is punished for asking questions

Opinion
By Gitobu Imanyara | Mar 08, 2026
Kitutu Chache South MP Anthony Kibagendi.[File, Standard]

During a parliamentary session earlier in the week, Speaker Moses Wetangula announced that MP Anthony Kabagendi had been suspended and must apologise before returning.

His offence, as framed in the chamber, was criticism: he questioned whether Parliament is operating independently and whether it has surrendered its constitutional autonomy. That moment raises a constitutional question beyond personalities: since when did questioning power become an offence requiring contrition? In a democracy, criticism is not misconduct. It is oxygen, the mechanism that keeps institutions accountable to the people who created them. 

When dissent inside Parliament becomes grounds for suspension, we must pause, not because of the individual involved, but because of what it reveals about our legislative culture. Parliament is not a private club, nor a sanctuary for unanimity. It is the institutional embodiment of popular sovereignty. Article 1 of the Constitution is unequivocal: all sovereign power belongs to the people of Kenya and is exercised only in accordance with the Constitution. MPs are not tenants of the Speaker; they are delegates of the people.

The people of Kitutu Chache elected their MP to speak for them, especially in moments of tension. Their anxieties, frustrations, and suspicions do not evaporate at the door of the National Assembly. They travel through him. To suspend him is not merely to discipline an individual; it is to temporarily mute an entire constituency. Parliament must maintain order; no institution can function in chaos. Standing Orders exist to preserve decorum and enable debate.

But there is a profound difference between disorderly conduct and substantive criticism. The former disrupts procedure; the latter interrogates power. If an MP questions whether Parliament is acting independently, particularly in a climate where the Executive looms large, that is not sabotage. It is oversight and vigilance, what we demand when we lament “rubber-stamp” governance.

The paradox is familiar. Citizens complain that Parliament has abdicated its watchdog role. They ask why it passes controversial laws without adequate scrutiny, and why oversight appears muted. Yet when a member voices the same concern in the chamber, he is asked to apologise. Apologise for articulating doubt, reflecting public sentiment, and speaking in the institution built for speech? Democracy does not collapse because of criticism; it weakens when criticism is treated as disloyalty.

Representation is not a privilege granted by parliamentary leadership; it is a right conferred by voters. The Speaker presides over the procedure; he does not hold the mandate of members. When disciplinary power is used to compel ideological conformity rather than procedural order, it risks constitutional excess. The question is not whether MPs should respect the House; they must. The question is whether respect requires silence. In mature democracies, the most forceful critiques of legislative performance often come from within the legislature itself. Internal dissent strengthens institutions by exposing blind spots and correcting drift. To treat such dissent as an attack on institutional dignity confuses reputation with immunity. Is it criticism that brings Parliament into disrepute, or conduct that appears to validate the criticism?

Institutional dignity is not protected by suppressing uncomfortable questions. It is protected by answering them convincingly. If Parliament is independent, confident, and constitutionally grounded, it should withstand scrutiny, even harsh scrutiny. Demanding an apology for re-entry suggests legitimacy depends on uniformity.

There is a broader cultural concern. When authority equates questioning with indiscipline, the democratic imagination narrows. Citizens watching from home internalise the lesson: challenge at your peril.

Over time, these chills debate not only occur in Parliament, but in civil society, academia, and public discourse. We must resist that drift. Kenya’s constitutional architecture was designed to prevent the concentration of unchecked power. The Legislature checks the Executive; the Judiciary checks both. Within each arm, internal debate guards against capture. If members fear suspension for raising concerns about independence, oversight becomes performative rather than substantive.

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