Deal with known factors behind countrywide youth-led protests

Youth waving Kenyan flags march in Nairobi on June 30, 2024. [John Muchucha, Standard]

There has been growing discontent among the youth. This is likely to worsen if their grievances are not addressed.

It is important to understand the profile of Gen Z who have instigated and led the protests. Official statistics indicate the Gen Z cohort form the bulk of Kenya’s population (Economic Survey, 2024). Indeed, the 2019 census showed that 75 per cent of the population - some 35.7 million people - was below the age of 35 years. This generation is tribeless and does not care about their ethnicities.

It is instructive that their protests are largely de-ethnicised, making it difficult to divide their movement on ethnic lines. They are also remarkably technology savvy. The Gen Z cohort have matured in the age of Information Communication Technology (ICT) and are the drivers of the growing digital economy. They have used their ICT knowledge to effectively organise their protests during which they have been ahead of law enforcement authorities.

Gen Z is also very confident, intelligent and fiercely independent-minded, having grown in an era of democratic growth with emphasis on human rights and freedom. They have the courage to stand up for their rights. It should also be noted that Gen Z is represented in virtually all critical sectors of the economy and society.

Thus, young doctors and lawyers, for instance, volunteered their services during the protests. There appears to be remarkable solidarity among the cadre. This cadre of youth, though defined by their age, can be differentiated into several categories. First, we have those in formal and informal employment, with the majority belonging to the latter. They are arguably beneficiaries of the Kibaki-era reforms in the education sector, including compulsory and free primary education and expansion of access to education for children from virtually all sections of society.

Many of them also got the opportunity to join universities whose number also increased exponentially from 20 to 70 today. A majority of them have been employed in both the public and private sectors. This group is directly affected by the fiscal and tax policies of the current regime, including the Finance Act 2023 and the already rejected Finance Bill 2024. Many of them could also not get jobs in the formal sector and started their own “hustles.” These “hustlers” are believed to have overwhelmingly voted for the current regime, based on the latter’s hustler-based campaigns.

It is instructive that businesses started by this group suffered from the devastating effects of Covid-19 in 2020-2022. They, therefore, would loathe government policy that interferes with the post-Covid recovery of their “hustles.” Another category of the Gen Z cohort that has been participating in the protests are university students who have several grievances that have fueled their anger against the regime. They have complained about increases in fees, poor learning environment, and long delays in disbursement of loans by the Higher Education Loans Board. They have also argued that the tax burden is undermining their parents’ and guardians’ ability to support their university education.

Another special category of the Gen Z generation that has played a critical role in the protests are the social media brigade. This group includes content creators, social media influencers, TikTokers and other ICT experts. Through WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram, X, and other social media platforms, they have contributed to the organisation, mobilisation and coordination of the protests. This group also has some criticism with the tax and other policies introduced in 2023 and those proposed in the Finance Bill 2024 which they claim are punitive and might undermine their income generation activities.

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Apart from grievances specific to various sections of the youth, and as hinted above, there are some underlying factors to which the protests could be attributed. One of these is the youth bulge. The economy has not created enough jobs and opportunities for the growing population of the youth.

Rising levels of poverty and inequalities may have also contributed to the protests. The educated but unemployed youth are increasingly becoming disillusioned and desperate in a country where there is cut-throat competition. The youths wonder why they should be asked to sacrifice in order to fund sleaze and extravagance among the political elite.

The problem will not go away soon. The youths shall continue to agitate for their grievances to be addressed. In order to cultivate and win the trust of the protestors, the government should ensure the immediate implementation of austerity measures. Specific measures should be taken to cut down wastage by both the national and county governments.

To instill some measure of hope and optimism among students in universities and other tertiary institutions, relevant government agencies should ensure student loans and bursaries are disbursed in time. Programmes similar to the defunct Kazi Mtaani that employed youths on casual terms should be established and funded by savings from budget cuts from non-priority projects.

Public and State officers should refrain from conspicuous displays of wealth. The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, courts and the Director of Public Prosecution should expedite the prosecution of corruption suspects.

A special quasi-governmental agency should be established to handle youth affairs. Government should guarantee loans from commercial banks for youths to start business enterprises. Retirement age requirements for public servants should be strictly enforced to free jobs for the youth.