The political price Dalmas Otieno paid for going against Odinga's

President William Ruto and former Cabinet minister Dalmas Otieno in Homa Bay town, in October 2022. [File, Standard]

He smiled. It was a shy, sly smile.  I looked up at his towering figure as I smiled back. He stretched out his hand and held me by the shoulder. We walked across the car park to some isolated spot under a tree.

“Mheshimiwa, what do you have on your mind? You seem to be up to some mischief” I teased him

“Caleb, I need your help. Today, I am completely at your mercy,” he said, and with those words, the gap between our two unequal heights suddenly narrowed. He seemed to have shrunk to my level. 

Dalmas Otieno Anyango, an experienced politician and long serving minister had walked into a cultural hot pot. His son had strayed into the compound of one of my relatives and plucked a precious flower without the owner’s knowledge or permission.

To make matters worse, he walked home with the pricey pick and ended up breaking it, a serious cultural offense. According to the customs of my people, the Abanyole, he had to pay a hefty fine. I had been appointed spokesperson to steer talks and negotiations because the flower (girl), in question was expectant. She couldn’t give birth out of wedlock.

Odinga dynasty

Dalmas was not just tall physically; he had a tough and long experience at negotiations. On this day, he negotiated hard. “Ok Sir, I will be very hard on you. I will invoke the Abanyole anger and pride then gradually lower the temperatures. I will then propose a fine we have agreed upon. I am also keen that our daughter and your son settle down legally before the arrival of your grandchild,” I told him.  

After the lovebirds had wedded and settled down with their first born child, I met Dalmas at the Nairobi Serena Hotel to pick his mind on his beef with the Odinga family.

In an essay, titled: ‘The Odinga dynasty and beyond’, Patrick O. Asingo, takes a look at the immense power and influence wielded by the Odingas over the Luo community. The article published on April 2, 2020, states: “Yet, by the 1960, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga had welded Luos into a fervent and united support base. Moreover, when Jaramogi died in 1994, his son Raila Odinga took over Luo leadership. It is puzzling how Jaramogi - a mere carpenter’s son - and his son, successfully managed to galvanize this segmentary society behind them.”

Journalist Oloo Janak, quotes Dalmas telling a gathering in Migori County, that: “Luoland is backward because leaders are busy undermining one another instead of discussing development. Nobody should lie to you or dissuade you from working closely with the Uhuru Kenyatta government.”

After delivering his controversial speech at the Migori function, Dalmas left the meeting. Oburu Odinga, Raila Odinga’s brother, told the gathering: “Dalmas has never really been on our side. He has always been on the other side and he joined us pretending to be sincere but has turned his back on us after we helped him.”

Dalmas was accused of eating with the enemy, Uhuru Kenyatta, and antagonizing the Luo community. 

At the Serena, I delved into the issue of Luo politics. I was writing the biography of Mama Phoebe Asiyo and I needed Dalmas’ voice on intrigues during the Kanu era.

“They accuse me of working with Kanu and the government and of fighting the Odinga family,” he said. “But I always see through the lies. Jaramogi worked with Jomo Kenyatta, save for the moment he suffered incarceration. Jomo even helped him set up the Odinga family gas factory. In the early 1990s, Jaramogi entered into political cooperation with President Moi. His son Raila was Prime Minister in the Grand Coalition government.” He paused to take a sip of his juice

“When I chose to work with Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee government, I was fiercely opposed, fought and condemned. Then, the handshake between Raila and Uhuru happened. Was I wrong all along working with Uhuru or is it only right when it is the Odingas working with governments in power? My opponents would always accuse me of being a government mole and going against the Odingas but the Odingas would end up in all governments. Was Raila not a Kanu Secretary General and a Cabinet minister in the Moi government? I saw through the lie and refused to play the fool,” said Dalmas. We spoke for close to an hour.

Perpetual Penury

Dalmas was a rare breed of politician. He served under Moi, Kibaki, and Uhuru’s administrations and in the latter as a peace envoy to South Sudan after the December 2013 fall-out between Riek Machar and Salva Kiir that plunged the country into a civil war. 

Then, in October 2023, I published an article in the Sunday Standard touching on Hezekiah Oyugi, former Permanent Secretary Provincial Administration and Internal Security. I argued that: “Luo leaders had to choose; to be in opposition behind former Vice President Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and remain in perpetual penury or bend over to the King and giver of power and have access to money; the President and State largesse.”

I postulated that: “To keep the Odingas power in check, Moi built an alternative power base in South Nyanza revolving around Oyugi. Through Oyugi’s patronage, prominent politicians among them James Okwanyo,  Dalmas Otieno, Peter Nyakiamo, David Okiki Amayo and Prof. Ouma Muga emerged.”

The article elicited reactions with some people asking me to write a book on the Oyugi legacy. Prof P. L. O Lumumba and CS Eliud Owalo encouraged me to pursue the book idea.  

However, my friend, Dan Ochieng, a development advisor, pushed the issue with extraordinary vigour. Dan and his colleague Eddy Jabali agreed that I could best tell the missing link between Oyugi’s statecraft and the Luo community’s closest-ever interface with the State.

Bold attempt

Other than Oyugi himself, the only person who could narrate that story with authenticity was Dalmas. His Moi, Kibaki, and Uhuru years deserved to be documented — his run-ins with Raila, his account of how in 1996 he and Biwott procured NDP for Raila to use during his battles with Wamalwa Kijana, and his own bold attempt to challenge the Odingas dominance in Nyanza through the Kalausi Party of 2014.

After many false starts, in September 2025, Dan reached out to me and I agreed to document the Dalmas’ story. A photo featuring Dalmas, Wilson Ndolo Ayah and Robert Ouko, had been doing rounds on the socials. I had covered these three men for over two decades during my tour of duty as a journalist. 

Dalmas, Raila, Paul Muite, Anyang’ Nyong’o and George Saitoti were agemates- all born in 1945. Dalmas graduated from Makerere University, in 1971 with a degree in Applied Economics and was a Fellow of the Chartered Insurance Institute in London.

Ouko murder

In his early days in politics, Dalmas was closely aligned with Hezekiah Oyugi. Oyugi had his network of special District Officers and was keen on grooming Luo MPs and ministers whose first loyalty was to him.

For Dalmas to rise, Rongo Constituency had to be carved out of the former South Nyanza. He faced stiff competition from Phares Oluoch Kanindo. Actually he stood no chance against Kanindo. Oyugi persuaded Kanindo to head Sony Sugar as Executive Chairman, paving way for Dalmas to become the first MP for Rongo.

After the murder of Ouko, President Moi preferred Dalmas as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He however was prevailed upon to return the position to Kisumu District. Ndolo and Dalmas, both Makerere graduates, were tipped to replace Ouko. Moi eventually settled for Ndolo.

After the death of Hezekiah Oyugi, the political environment became completely polluted. President Moi allowed the repeal of Section 2A of the Constitution paving way for pluralism.

The political steam became too hot that even Oyugi technocrats such as Charles Owino Likowa, Ochola Ogur, Raymond Ndon’g, Kassim Owango, among others developed cold feet about Kanu politics.

Dalmas stuck with Kanu. During the 1992 General Election, Ford Kenya swept the Luo constituencies. Dalmas lost his stab at the parliamentary seat. The Ndhiwa campaigns were so hot that Raila faced Dalmas in battle, where Raila left with one pair of shoes.

Journalist John Oywa recalls: “I did a story that linked him, (Dalmas), to violence during a by-election in Ndhiwa. The headline screamed: ‘Dalmas throws stones at rally.’ He later sued us for defamation.” 

Molasses plant

Journalist Kenneth Ogosia remembers: “I filed a report quoting then Bondo MP Oburu Odinga after the death of Jaramogi that Dalmas offered him a bribe of Sh30 million for him to defect to Kanu and abandon his younger brother, Raila, in Ford Kenya. It was a front page story and it never attracted any litigation.”

Dalmas remained the Kanu point man in Luoland. He was nominated to Cabinet twice in 1993 and 1998. He again crossed paths with Raila when the latter mobilised Luos to purchase the Kisumu Molasses Plant which had been hit by controversy, even featuring at the Ouko Commission of Inquiry. Dalmas dismissed the molasses as a white elephant and a heap of rotten metals. 

He broke ranks with the government and was caught in a standoff with then powerful Provincial Commissioner Joseph Kaguthi. Then came the sugar cane politics around Sony Sugar where President Moi and Kalenjin honchos had embedded interests. Dalmas sided with public earning himself a sack from the Cabinet.

Banking career

When Raila’s National Development Party merged with Kanu, Dalmas was elected vice chairman while Raila became the Secretary General of the ruling party.

In subsequent fallout with Kanu and formation of Narc government, Ochilo Ayacko who was elected MP for Rongo in 1997, was re-elected in 2002. President Mwai Kibaki appointed Ayacko Minister for Energy, locking Dalmas out of Migori politics.

Dalmas had built for himself a career in insurance and banking. Between 1982 and 1985, he served as the Chairman of Kenya Commercial Bank and founded Tasley Consultants.

He had a polished approach to politics. Between 2008 and 2013, he served on the Speakers Panel. Later, he was appointed Vice Chairman Salaries and Remuneration Commission (SRC); a commission he helped establish when he was minister for Public Service.

Dalmas and Francis Muthaura spearheaded major transformative reforms in the civil service.

He played a central role in digitizing government services and payment systems. By raising the retirement age of civil servants to 60, he not only enhanced the lifespan of those with institutional memory, but also helped the government build the financial capacity to grow economic and infrastructure using retirement saving funds.

As minister, Dalmas introduced Kenya’s first digitized government records system (IRMS), in 2011. IRMS aimed at taming corruption, curbing loss of files and streamlining the civil service.

Dalmas might have won many business and political battles, but he never recovered from the 2008 death of his son Isaiah Otieno. Isaiah was 23 when on May 13, 2008; a BC Hydro chartered helicopter fell from the Canadian sky striking him dead.