Season of dishing out dubious cash in voter buying spree as polls loom

Nyaribari Chache MP Zaheer Jhanda was recently spotted issuing cash handouts to his constituents during a rally. [Courtesy]

Huge sums of money, whose source remains unknown, are being splashed at an astonishing rate by politicians seeking favour with voters, even as blood continues to be spilt in the emerging supremacy battles.

From cash handouts at political rallies and multimillion-shilling church donations to lavish economic empowerment drives and high-profile community fundraisers, financial generosity has returned to the centre of Kenya's political theatre.

Every donation is livestreamed. Every pledge is instantly shared across digital platforms. Every empowerment programme becomes political messaging capable of reaching millions within minutes. What was once largely local philanthropy has evolved into a nationally broadcast political performance.

That transformation has inevitably raised constitutional and ethical questions that demand urgent attention.

Judging by the huge amounts of cash being openly distributed, the 2027 General Election could mirror, or even surpass, the infamous 1992 YK ‘92 campaign, when money played a decisive role in politics.

Politicians are openly asking thousands of Kenyans attending their meetings to line up and receive handouts ranging from Sh200 to Sh1,000 each.

The latest flashpoint came in a viral video showing Nyaribari Chache MP Zaheer Jhanda urging residents not to welcome politicians unwilling to give them Sh500 each as transport fare. Moments later, the first-term legislator was seen handing out Sh500 notes to members of the crowd as chants of “Ruto Two Terms” echoed through the gathering.

The footage quickly reignited a familiar national debate. To supporters, Jhanda was simply helping wananchi meet the cost of attending a political meeting.

To critics, however, the episode reflected the re-emergence of a political culture in which cash handouts are increasingly becoming part of political engagement.

Yet Jhanda’s actions are only one piece of a much bigger picture.

Videos of Kimilili MP Didmus Barasa distributing Sh200 notes to mourners after funerals have also circulated widely online.

Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna, who has declared that the emerging Linda Mwananchi movement will reject what he describes as handout politics, argues that Kenya’s democracy should be driven by ideas, accountability and policy alternatives rather than expectations of financial rewards during political mobilisation.

“We are not going to play handout politics. We are development-oriented as Linda Mwananchi,” he said.

Kenyan elections have historically combined ethnic mobilisation, ideology, development promises and financial resources in varying proportions.

Recent by-elections have already offered an early glimpse of what may lie ahead. During the fiercely contested Mbeere North and Malava parliamentary by-elections, rival political camps traded accusations of splashing huge sums of money on voters, with claims of voter inducement and videos of alleged cash handouts dominating public debate.

The campaigns reinforced a familiar perception that financial muscle remains one of the most powerful currencies in Kenyan politics.

Across the country, elected leaders are increasingly criss-crossing constituencies armed not only with promises of development but also with cash, motorcycles, sewing machines, salon equipment, water tanks and multimillion-shilling donations to churches, schools and organised groups.

Critics view this as the early return of handout politics as leaders position themselves for the 2027 elections.

In recent months, the country’s political calendar has become increasingly punctuated by multimillion-shilling church donations, empowerment drives and public fundraisers where senior political leaders announce contributions running into millions of shillings.

At a fundraiser at AIC Kamuneru Church, Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen announced donations from some of the country’s most senior leaders.

President William Ruto contributed Sh2 million, Deputy President Kithure Kindiki Sh1.5 million, Murkomen Sh1 million, Head of Public Service Felix Koskei Sh500,000 and Internal Security Principal Secretary Raymond Omollo another Sh500,000.

Murkomen later attended a women’s empowerment programme in Uasin Gishu where, after the harambee, women, elderly men and young people formed long queues to receive handouts of Sh1,000 for every three people.

The same trend has played out through a series of economic empowerment programmes across the country.

In Migori County, Suna East MP Junet Mohamed donated Sh10 million during a women’s empowerment programme, while another event in Nyabisawa attracted contributions totalling Sh35 million, including a Sh10 million personal donation delivered in a backpack by a political ally and another Sh10 million pledge from President Ruto.

Around the same period, the President and members of his administration also contributed Sh2 million each during separate empowerment drives in Homa Bay County.

In Nyanza, Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga and Principal Secretary Raymond Omollo have also repeatedly distributed millions of shillings during the so-called empowerment programmes.

Elsewhere, National Assembly Majority Leader Kimani Ichung’wah announced Sh6 million during a women and youth fundraiser in Machakos, explaining that Sh3 million came from President Ruto, Sh2 million from Deputy President Kindiki and Sh1 million from himself.

Last year, Kapseret MP Oscar  Sudi grabbed national attention after unveiling a Sh100 million empowerment package during a constituency event, while President Ruto has continued making sizeable donations to schools, churches and community projects across the country.

President Ruto’s aide Farouk Kibet has also repeatedly distributed large sums of money at public events. In Kisii, South Mugirango MP Sylvanus Osoro has done the same, as have Belgut MP Nelson Koech and Senate Majority Leader Aaron Cheruiyot.

In Meru County, the President pledged Sh110 million towards infrastructure development at Burieruri Secondary School, including Sh40 million to kick-start construction.

In Nandi, he donated Sh1 million during a fundraiser at Kapsabet Girls High School and presented a school bus to St Joseph’s Chepterit Girls High School. During a bus fundraising drive in Tongaren, the President contributed Sh1 million while National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula added Sh900,000.

The growing scale and frequency of such donations have reignited debate over whether Kenya is witnessing a resurgence of patronage politics or simply a continuation of a long-standing culture of leaders supporting community initiatives.

Political analyst Herman Manyora says money has always mattered in elections but warns that the scale and sophistication with which it is now being deployed pose a growing threat to democratic competition.

“Money influences elections, especially in this part of the world. It can be used in very crude ways, including directly buying votes or suppressing voters,” he said.

Manyora points to past elections where voters have allegedly been persuaded to surrender their national identity cards in exchange for cash, effectively preventing them from voting on election day.

In other instances, he says, voters have allegedly been promised additional payments after photographing marked ballot papers to prove they voted for a particular candidate.

“What begins as political generosity can easily become voter suppression or outright vote-buying. That is where democracy becomes highly compromised,” he added.

Beyond direct payments to voters, Manyora argues that money can shape elections by influencing opinion leaders, religious figures, sections of the media and even election officials.

“Money can buy opinion leaders who sway communities. It can influence narratives in the media. It can even compromise institutions that are supposed to safeguard elections,” he said.

The political scientist also questioned the source of the huge sums increasingly seen at political rallies and empowerment programmes, alleging that much of the money could be proceeds of corruption, money laundering or access to State House.

“When you see an individual throwing around tens of millions of shillings, you have to ask where that money comes from. Even successful billionaires do not casually hand out such amounts. Much of this money, in my view, is either the proceeds of corruption, illicit business or proximity to state power,” he said.

He further argued that recent by-elections have demonstrated how State resources can become intertwined with political campaigns.

Referring to the recent contests in Mbeere North and Malava, Manyora said allegations of cash distributions, alongside reports of government-branded relief food and mattresses being distributed during campaigns, had reinforced concerns about the misuse of public resources for political mobilisation.

“Where government relief items are being distributed during campaigns, questions naturally arise about whether public resources are being used for partisan political purposes,” he said.

Looking ahead to 2027, Manyora predicted the role of money would only become more pronounced.

“We are likely to witness an election awash with money. Those with greater financial resources will seek to dominate political messaging, influence opinion leaders and shape public perception. The danger is that elections cease being contests of ideas and instead become contests of financial muscle,” he said.

He warned that the sheer volume of money expected to circulate could even have wider economic consequences.

“So much money will be injected into campaigns that it could have inflationary effects. More importantly, it risks determining electoral outcomes in ways that undermine democratic choice,” Manyora said.

It is against this backdrop that President William Ruto’s multimillion-shilling church donations have attracted even greater scrutiny.

When the President stood before worshippers at Jesus Winner Ministry in Roysambu earlier this year and announced a Sh20 million donation towards the church’s construction before pledging to mobilise another Sh100 million from friends, applause filled the sanctuary.

Outside the church, however, a different conversation had already begun.

Was it simply an act of personal generosity by a President who has consistently supported religious institutions? Or had Kenya entered another election cycle in which public displays of financial largesse would once again become as politically significant as policy pronouncements?

Barely days later, another Sh20 million pledge to AIC Fellowship Annex Church in Eldoret reinforced the perception that political giving had become an increasingly visible feature of national leadership.

Supporters see little controversy in the trend.

They argue that millions of Kenyans continue to grapple with unemployment, the high cost of living and shrinking household incomes, making direct support from leaders both necessary and welcome.

Waiting for slow bureaucratic processes, they argue, offers little comfort to families facing immediate hardship.

Government allies have similarly defended the empowerment programmes, saying they are designed to stimulate grassroots enterprise, create jobs and help vulnerable groups become financially independent.

Yet the highly public nature of these programmes has fuelled growing scepticism, with many Kenyans viewing them as thinly disguised political campaigns aimed at influencing public opinion ahead of the 2027 General Election.

Unlike quiet philanthropy, many of the donations are announced from public podiums before cheering crowds. Oversized cheques are displayed for television cameras, while beneficiary groups line up to receive equipment as politicians deliver speeches. Carefully produced videos are then widely circulated on social media, portraying the leaders as providers of opportunity and prosperity.

It is this carefully choreographed political theatre that has increasingly come under scrutiny.

Political analyst Barrack Muluka argues that the spectacle amounts to corruption on public display.

“All this money being splashed around is public money. Once elected, those dishing it out will seek to recover it, and the easiest way is through corruption and the embezzlement of public resources,” he said.

Muluka also criticised the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) for failing to rein in what he described as premature campaigns.

“We thought having a commission in place would help stop such practices. Instead, we are seeing politicians in full campaign mode long before the official campaign period has begun,” he said.

As political temperatures continue to rise, analysts warn that unless campaign financing laws are enforced and the source of campaign funds subjected to greater public scrutiny, the 2027 race could become one of the most expensive—and potentially one of the most contentious—in Kenya’s history.