Kanu faced with major challenges throughout December 1991 with the onset of multi-party politics. Some elements within Kanu wanted the party to reform and compete in fair elections.
Led by then Health minister Mwai Kibaki, they were confident Kanu would win Rift Valley and Coast, do well in many parts of Eastern, and remain highly competitive in Western, Nairobi and Central. Only the Luo parts of Nyanza were considered lost. However, Kanu hardliners did not want to adjust to multi-party democracy and were unwilling to hold new grassroots elections.
Throughout January 1992, many present and former MPs, local Kanu officials and other prominent politicians would join Opposition parties.
The Daily Nation and The Standard, Kenya’s two main newspapers, had also been swept away by the euphoria of multi-party politics. Most journalists, apart from those at Kenya Times, favoured FORD. Kanu experienced problems as it adjusted to multi-party politics. Many of its trusted leaders in Central and Nyanza defected to the new Opposition parties. The party was disrupted by defections and purges as Secretary General Joseph Kamotho sought to secure absolute control. Most Kanu hardliners would adopt low profiles during the first weeks of multi-party politics.
Many held Kamotho responsible for driving Kibaki and other prominent Central Kenya leaders out of Kanu, doing irreparable damage to the party’s prospects in the region and Nairobi. The grapevine had it that he was to be replaced as Kanu’s main spokesman by Planning and National Development Minister Dr Zachary Onyonka, the long-serving Kisii politician. Kisii was key to getting President Daniel arap Moi 25 per cent in Nyanza to fulfil the Constitutional requirement of more than a quarter of votes in five provinces.
Yet Nyanza was FORD country. At the beginning of 1992, Kanu’s position in Kisii and Nyamira had appeared strong. Kanu had even dreamt of the possibility to win all ten parliamentary seats, but only if George Anyona, the former Kitutu East MP who had been imprisoned earlier for sedition and ex-Chief Secretary didn’t piss on its party. When local leaders assembled at the Gusii Institute of Technology at the end of January, Nyachae’s absence appeared ominous.
Nyachae, the retired Head of Civil Service, had a big following in Gusiiland. He had been blocked by, among others Dr Onyonka, from contesting the 1988 election in his home constituency of Nyaribari Chache.
Their rivalry went back a long way. Five years earlier, in 1983 when Nyachae had been the all-powerful Head of the Civil Service, controlling the provincial administration from the Office of the President, Onyonka had endured a rough election, and later dropped from the Cabinet.
Held in custody for six months for shooting an opponent’s supporter, Onyonka’s political career had been in serious trouble throughout Nyachae’s period of power.
He was reported to hold Nyachae responsible for his political and legal troubles. He complained that Nyachae made no effort to secure his release or even get him better treatment while in prison.
But when Nyachae retired in December 1986, Onyonka had re-emerged as the political supremo of Gusii. In 1987, he had made his way back to the Cabinet as Foreign Affairs minister. Onyonka had also secured the support of most MPs from Gusii against Nyachae, who was rumoured to be recruiting candidates to challenge several incumbent MPs.
By 1988, when Nyanche’s bid for parliament was blocked, Onyonka had even established a good working relationship with Nyachae’s former ally, branch chairman Lawrence Sagini, whom Onyonka had defeated during the 1969 General Election in Kitutu West Constituency.