Gen Z uprising: Why leaders must genuinely engage, empower youth

A group of youths took to the streets protesting against bad governance and punitive taxes on July 16, 2024. [Kanyiri Wahito, Standard]

“How do you create ideas that the crowd grabs on to, makes stronger, and helps spread?” (Timms & Heimans, 2018).

The above question resonates profoundly in the context of Kenya’s Gen Z and Millennials, who have emerged from political obscurity to catalyze transformative change. Who could have anticipated that a simple tweet, #RejectTheFinanceBill2024, would open floodgates of protest, reminiscent of the #NoReformsNoElections clarion call of 1997?

This new generation has demanded radical transparency and accountability, literally shouting from rooftops that: Kenya must eradicate corruption; the ruling elite must honor their commitments; faith leaders must protect their followers from political opportunists; “the swamp must be drained”; and, strict adherence to the 2010 constitution is imperative.

Since independence, Kenya has sidestepped addressing the systemic generational marginalization and disempowerment of its youth, who constitute 75 per cent of the population under 35. The annual influx of 500,000 to 800,000 young people into the job market exacerbates this national crisis, with Gen Z bearing the brunt of unemployment and underemployment.

In 2016, the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that unemployment among those aged 15-24 was 22 per cent. A 2018 Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS) report indicated that 9 out of 10 unemployed Kenyans were 35 years and below. By 2023, youth unemployment for the 15-24 age group was estimated at over 12 per cent.

Since 2013, Kenya has faced a high cost of living, especially concerning basic needs. According to protesting youth, this grim reality was worsened by the Finance Bill, 2024 taxation measures. Other grievances, such as the substitution of the costly Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF) with NHIF and Linda Mama, the imposition of a housing levy, university fees hike, CDF unconstitutionality, and public debt opaqueness and various unilateral executive decisions, further fueled the June demonstrations.

The current self-organization of the youth as a “leaderless, tribeless, and fearless” movement can also be historically attributed to the government’s inability to advance the youth agenda, particularly after the 2007/8 election violence.

Despite legislative efforts, such as the National Youth Policy of 2007 and the National Youth Council Act of 2009, meaningful youth responsive action was delayed. Elections under the National Youth Council Election Guidelines of 2011 were conducted from sub-location, location, division, district and provincial levels. However, the government hesitated to create democratic space for youth by establishing full-fledged National Youth Council and the Advisory Board.

In 2021, new regulations for the National Youth Council were introduced, establishing the National Youth Congress at ward and constituency levels in line with devolution. In Kenya’s 1,450 wards, six delegates elected by youth registered voters became part of 8,700 ward delegates, who then elected 580 constituency delegates. Unfortunately, the regulations mandated that these delegates act as volunteers without the mandate to form branches. Once more, the government missed an opportunity to launch an inclusive youth organizational framework from grassroots to national level.

Despite the revamped Kenya Youth Development Policy of 2019 and various youth programs like the Youth Enterprise Development Fund, Uwezo Fund, Kazi Kwa Vijana; National Youth Service; Access to Government Procurement Opportunities (AGPO) etc., their skewed implementation has not induced a pragmatic youth Marshall Plan for employment, entrepreneurship and other opportunities. Counties, too, neglect prioritizing a transformative youth agenda.

In mid-2024, a disillusioned Gen Z took ownership of the youth vision, advocating for a clean government that equitably serves all citizens. They self-organized in novel and disruptive ways, raising and answering for themselves the question: Can a genuinely leaderless movement exist?

Leaderless revolutions

Let’s examine insights from three leading authorities on leaderless revolutions and new power paradigms.

In The Leaderless Revolution: How Ordinary People Will Take Power and Change Politics in the 21st Century (2011), Carnes Ross argues that as governmental authority declines, people must embody their political beliefs in every action they commit to. He posits that individuals must negotiate directly with one another, enabling collective decision-making for better, fairer, and more enduring solutions.

Henry Timms and Jeremy Heimans, in New Power: How It’s Changing the 21st Century – and Why You Need to Know (2018), describe two power variants: old power, which is closed, leader-driven, and hoarded, and new power, which is open, participatory, and peer-driven. New power is most forceful when it surges, aiming not to hoard but to channel it.

The above authors reinforce the notion that new peoples’ power is midwifed through collaborative, servant type, and distributed forms of leadership. Kenya’s #RejectTheFinanceBill2024 and the subsequent Occupy Movement have conceivably drawn inspiration from such philosophy. And so have global movements such as Occupy Wall Street, GivingTuesday, MeToo, BlackLivesMatter and the Arab Spring.

Three factors may have triggered the Gen Z uprising: Robbie Gituhu’s self-immolation protesting the high cost of living, Mercy Tarus exposure of a study-abroad scam, and burdensome taxation introduced by the Finance Bill, 2023. The proximate cause, as mentioned before, was the Finance Bill, 2024, which initiated severe punitive tax measures. Although the Gen Z movement remains leaderless, it is not rudderless, with volunteers providing functional leadership for specific activities. Each participant contributes their agency within a ‘do-it-ourselves’ mindset.

Ruto acts

Clearly, any group, be it of the youth, human rights activists, independent media, influencers, social media practitioners of any hue, musicians, IT gurus or novices, diaspora citizens, sympathizers, Generation Alpha, etc., can lurch onto any movement activity to provide temporary leadership for example to offer pro bono legal services, free medical camps, organise a concert, visit the sick, attend funerals, M-Changa fund raise etc. After closure of an activity, the volunteer hangs her or his boots. Hence Gen Zs are faithful to the continuum of crowdsourcing change-making ideas, crowdfunding and crowdbuilding. This means searching for the Gen Z leader as traditionally understood can be frustrating. If any volunteer deviates and claims to be an overall leader, he or she “gets cancelled i.e. anasalimiwa.”

From June 18, 2024, Gen Z, armed with mobile phones (social media artillery), the Kenyan flag (Gen Z have bestowed renewed dignity to the Kenyan flag), and water bottles, took to the streets to protest against taxation without representation and development. The protests evolved into #OccupyParliament and #OccupyStateHouse, with the most significant demonstration occurring on June 25, 2024, when protestors stormed the Kenya National Assembly calling for its dissolution. The peaceful protests resulted in over 60 deaths and significant property loss.

In response to the protests, the president vetoed the Finance Bill, 2024, but signed the Appropriation Bill, 2024, and proposed budget cuts and new loans to address the tax deficit. The president dismissed 21 cabinet members and the Attorney General. However, the inclusion in government of ODM members and the recycling of some previous cabinet secretaries confirmed the Executive’s determination to consolidate power.

The Gen Z movement continues to grapple with several challenges. Will it at some future time transform itself into a political party, or join a progressive coalition, or grow as a movement with its unique political expression? Can the movement foster a group of ethical leaders by 2027, or will it remain a mere critic of government? What should the movement do to avoid loss of steam and decline? Only time and the Gen Z resolve will answer these questions.

In most X spaces, Gen Z and their supporters prioritize countrywide civic education, especially for rural youth and older generations, who are often swayed through political handouts and ethnic-based politics. The movement is also focusing on ensuring every youth has identity and voter cards by 2027 and is ready to vote and protect the ballot. The Gen Z are partnering with the Kenyan diaspora to help secure their voting rights. Although the uprising started as a Gen Z baby, the need to broaden the movement to Gen Z-Ote is under discussion.

As the spirit of Kenya’s Gen Z movement potentially spills over to other African countries, it is clear that the continent’s leaders must genuinely engage their youth. Both the African Youth Charter and the African Human and Peoples’ Rights provisions on youth empowerment must be vigorously enforced. In conclusion, the youth of Kenya are brewing new wine, while the president wants to contain it into old wine skins. Something is going to burst.

The Gen Z DNA is crowd leadership, emphasizing citizen sovereign power to impact government, all public institutions and society in general. The youth bulge is an asset, not a liability. The 21st century will become Africa’s century when the continent mobilizes her youth for sustainable development.