Dislike for Meg Whitman pushes some Kenyans to celebrate Trump win

A sculpture made by Indian sand artist Sudarsan Pattnaik depicting former US President Donald Trump after he won a sweeping victory in the US presidential election in Puri of India's Odisha state on November 6, 2024. [AFP]

As news of Donald Trump’s election as the United States’ 47th president spread worldwide, Kenyans took to social media in marked celebration.

Since former President Barack Obama’s historic victory in 2008, which earned Kenyans a holiday to celebrate their “son’s” success, the nation has closely followed US presidential elections.

President-elect Trump has often seemed indifferent to Africa, including Kenya, making it somewhat surprising that Kenyans would celebrate his win—especially given that his opponent, outgoing Vice President Kamala Harris, is Black.

The former US president did not visit Africa during his first term and has previously made derogatory remarks about the continent.

However, many see Trump’s apathy towards Africa, particularly Kenya, as beneficial. On X, the hashtag *Resign Meg Whitman* (referring to the US Ambassador to Kenya) trended among Kenyans, who eagerly anticipate her likely recall next year.

Whitman has faced criticism over the past two years for her alleged “meddling” in Kenya’s affairs and her support of President William Ruto.

Last year, former Prime Minister Raila Odinga rebuked Whitman  for describing the 2022 presidential election as the “most free and credible” and called her “rogue.”

“Tell the rogue ambassador that Kenya is not the United States and Kenya is not a colony of the United States. Keep your mouth shut when you are here; otherwise, we will call for your recall,” Raila said during last year’s devolution conference.

When President William Ruto hosted US Ambassador to Nairobi Meg Whitman at State House Nairobi. [PCS]

Whitman was among the Western envoys present at the Bomas of Kenya in 2022 as the presidential election results were relayed. Since Ruto’s election, she has emerged as a steadfast ally of Kenya’s Head of State, once praising him as “very strong, smart, strategic, and someone who gets things done.”

Their close relationship has led some to label Ruto as Whitman’s puppet and, by extension, Washington’s.

In May, outgoing President Joe Biden invited Ruto to a State Visit to the US—barely a year and a half into Ruto’s presidency.

It was the first time in over 15 years that an African leader had received such an honour, facilitated by Whitman, who assumed her role just days before Ruto’s rise to the presidency, igniting an unprecedented camaraderie.

Ahead of Ruto’s State Visit, journalist Nahal Toosi captured the pair’s camaraderie in a Politico article: “If you’re a U.S. official on the phone with Meg Whitman and you’re wondering what Kenyan President William Ruto thinks about something, it’s entirely possible she’ll say: ‘Let me call and ask him.’ Minutes later, she might even conference Ruto into your call.”

“This is not something most other U.S. ambassadors can do, and even those with top-level access probably still wouldn’t. But since arriving in Nairobi in 2022, Whitman hasn’t acted like a typical diplomat. Instead, she operates more like the famed, action-oriented tech CEO she once was—forgoing conventions, emphasising commercial issues, and seemingly delighting Ruto,” Toosi continued.

Whitman has indeed prioritised commercial diplomacy, a departure from the sometimes combative approach of her predecessors, who openly criticised corruption, human rights abuses, and poor governance. She has actively encouraged American businesses to invest in Kenya.

“Ruto can forget that in the interim,” said Winnie Mitullah, a professor of development studies at the University of Nairobi’s Institute of Development Studies, speaking on the president’s chances of maintaining such closeness with a Trump-appointed ambassador.

“He will have to start afresh unless the collegial relationship was previously nurtured and institutionalised,” added Prof Mitullah.

While Whitman has also criticised rights abuses—such as State-sanctioned abductions and the government’s handling of youthful protesters in June and July—her response has often been criticised as “too little, too late.”

The Trump administration is expected to recall Whitman, with many believing that Ruto, already under fire from disenfranchised youth, will not enjoy the same level of support. Many also hope this will mean less interference in Kenya’s internal affairs.

“Trump may not have an interest in Kenya’s policies, as he is less concerned about Africa and its affairs,” said Saboti Member of Parliament Caleb Amisi, a member of the National Assembly’s Defence and Foreign Affairs Committee.

President William Ruto and US Ambassador to Kenya Meg Whiteman witness the Investment, Trade and Industry CS Moses Kuria and PS Investment Promotion, Abubakar Hassan Abubakar sign bilateral agreement with a US Firm Moderna to build a Sh65 Billion mRNA manufacturing facility in Kenya during the American Chamber of Commerce Regional Business Summit in Nairobi on March 30, 2023. [Jenipher Wachie, Standard]

However, Washington under Trump has not always been hands-off. His former representative in Nairobi, Kyle McCarter, often spoke about Kenya’s endemic corruption, describing it as “thievery.”

Trump’s involvement in ending the civil war in Cameroon and supporting the overthrow of former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir demonstrated his willingness to intervene when necessary.

Kenya’s relationship with Trump extends beyond Whitman and US ambassadors. Nairobi and Washington have long collaborated on security, with Kenya playing a strategic role in the restive Horn of Africa. The US operates two bases in Lamu and Wajir, with plans to expand the Lamu-based Manda Bay Base.

Kenya has partnered with the US in combatting the extremist Al-Shabaab group in Somalia and has taken an active role in conflict resolution efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, and Ethiopia.

Recently, Kenya deployed police officers to a US-backed mission in Haiti to combat armed gangs, with a commitment to send more personnel. It remains unclear whether Trump, who has previously shown disdain for funding such initiatives, will continue to support the Haiti mission.

During Ruto’s State Visit, which preceded the Haiti deployment, Kenya was designated a major non-NATO ally, granting Nairobi easier access to military technologies not available to other countries.

Two months ago, Kenya and the US signed a five-year defence agreement on counterterrorism, further strengthening security cooperation. This followed commitments worth Sh130 billion from the United States in military support.

“He [Trump] campaigned on the premise of stopping wars, so the non-NATO ally status granted by the Biden administration might be cancelled,” said Amisi, who anticipates a US withdrawal from the Haiti operation.

However, Prof Mitullah does not foresee “a disruption of what is already agreed.”

“Contracts that are ongoing will still proceed, as I believe they were institutionalised. If the institutions work, then the deals will not be affected much, unless Trump goes off on his own,” she noted.

Indeed, the US has largely maintained a policy of continuity in its African relations, encompassing sectors like trade, healthcare, and education.

Each US president has had a signature initiative, with Trump’s *Prosper Africa* aimed at enhancing access for US companies on the continent. However, his first-term involvement in Africa was often seen as competing with China, which has a significant foothold in the region.

“The Trump administration is practical in its foreign policy towards African countries, not just Kenya. Ruto needs to prepare himself for south-south cooperation as opposed to the foreign aid-guided policies of the previous administration,” said Amisi.

Prof Mitullah argued that Trump’s presidency would not significantly impact Kenya individually but predicted reduced support for controversial policies such as abortion and LGBTQ rights.