Uhuru and fellow retirees can't fix the DRC

**Former President Uhuru Kenyatta** **with his cousin Ngengi Muigai at a burial in Ichaweri, Gatundu South, Kiambu county.** [PCS]

Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger once described diplomacy as the art of restraining power. But if mismanaged, he cautioned, it becomes an instant recipe for chaos.

After several failed attempts to end the bloody war in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), local interventions continue to struggle with no end in sight. As fatigue sets in, the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have appointed five former presidents to spearhead the latest peace quest. Will they succeed? What magic will they deploy?

The new mediation squad, that includes Kenya’s fourth president Uhuru Kenyatta, will augment the Nairobi and Luanda processes that have barely scratched the surface in silencing the guns. The unveiling of the panel at an EAC-SADC summit on March 24 is clearly another superfluous idea. How many processes, visits, summits, phone calls and negotiators will it take to end the crisis? Moreover, what fresh purposes will the former presidents initiate far from what came out of the February 8, 2025 EAC-SADC meeting in Tanzania, the February 14 African Union Peace and Security Council summit, and the UN Security Council Resolution 2773 on February 21?

In my view, the retired presidents club is a ‘Johnny-come lately’ now that an ‘outsider’ Qatar has ‘stolen the show’ by hosting DRC President Felix Tsishekedi and his Rwandan colleague Paul Kagame in Doha on March 18 as African leaders slumbered. Photos of Mr Tsishekedi and Mr Kagame meeting Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani almost broke the Internet. Such an appearance was long-awaited. Then came their announcement of an immediate ceasefire in a region that has endured tensions in the last three months. A statement by Qatari officials and the two presidents reaffirmed their commitment to peace despite the political consequences so far like the sanctions against senior Rwandan officials, and Kigali’s decision to cut diplomatic ties with Belgium. The Tsishekedi-Kagame ‘one-on-one’ was a big triumph for Qatar, coming just a day after parties snubbed a meeting in Angola, and fighting escalated. Since January, the war between M23 and Congolese forces has claimed 7,000 lives. Goma and Bukavu remain under rebel control.

The Qatar-brokered ceasefire signaled smart diplomacy. But suffice to ask: Why did peace efforts under EAC and SADC flop or drag? How has Qatar won where our leaders floundered? The answers must prompt a truthful re-evaluation of Africa’s internal conflict resolution mechanisms. If indeed African problems need African solutions as the so-called pan-Africanists often say, then we must honestly engage rather than spur in the media and in meetings. We’ve seen local leaders make phone calls to oppressors masked as allies, oblivious of the looming humanitarian crises. Look at Sudan where local mediation efforts have only but worsened an already delicate situation, leading to Khartoum’s ban on imports from Kenya. Most African governments lack the will and institutional strength to enforce peace deals. Graft has further eroded trust in governance structures despite fruitless meetings and extravagant shuttle diplomacies. To achieve lasting peace, we must address selfish interests that complicate negotiations. Moreover, DRC is a stark reminder that conflicts often stem from disputes over minerals and land. Without transparent and equitable resource management, peace will be elusive. Let’s pity the child soldiers, women and vulnerable people robbed of peace in eastern Congo.

While many Africans hope for a swift resolution to the crisis in Eastern Congo, it’s crucial that more external actors, including foreign governments and corporations, support peace efforts, not for their own interests, but for the sake of affected communities, mainly the Congolese Tutsis. As our history shows, unresolved historical grievances make conflict resolution in Africa a complex affair. Importantly, the Tsishekedi regime must confront causes of instability rather than shift blame to Kigali. Mr Kenyatta and his team must admit that they’ve a long way to go in resolving African problems using local solutions. It is what it is.