BY MUGAMBI NANDI
KENYA: The term “Fourth Estate” was coined centuries ago to refer to powerful forces and influential persons outside the established social power structure. Edmund Burke, a member of the House of Commons of Great Britain in the 18th Century, popularised the term when he said that there were three Estates in Parliament, but in the Reporters’ Gallery, there sat “a Fourth Estate more important far than they all”. The Estates of the Realm referred to the social hierarchy in Europe in the Middle Ages, where the clergy, the nobility and the commoners were ranked in that order of importance. (Due to their imaginary proximity to deity, the clergy occupied the exalted position of the First Estate).
In many parts of the world, the media has over the years acted as a vocal, fearless and powerful custodian of public interest, defender of human rights and an effective watchdog over the three arms of government.
We would never have known about mega-corruption scandals such as Goldenberg and Anglo-leasing, and the looting of public funds at NSSF and NHIF, among other places, if it were not for the media. To the extent that the media exposes such scandals, it is a powerful tool in the fight against corruption. Of course the media has often fallen short, by sacrificing its independence, fairness and objectivity to narrow political, cultural and religious sensitivities and economic expedience.
Afraid of its own shadow, the media does sometimes engage in acts of self-censorship or open bias. Media owners are, first and foremost, investors and not activists. They are engaged in a business, not philanthropy. As any other investor, they expect a return on their investment. For this reason, media managers usually keep their eye on the ball – sales and profits. This explains sensational headlines, extensive coverage of politics, gossip columns and catchy stories, which resonate with consumers of media content.
Here in Kenya, as elsewhere, we have seen the media create larger than life personalities and “celebrities” out of people of average talent, only to destroy them with the force and speed of a tsunami, shortly after.
In the United States, endorsement of a presidential candidate by mainstream media boosts a candidate’s popularity and electability. In modern elections, a campaign team without a strong media strategist is likely to find itself unable to deliver votes. Governments, however democratic or despotic, use the media to communicate to their people and the world.
It has been observed that the reason Kenya appears at the top (or is it bottom?) in corruption indices is not because we are more corrupt than the rest of the world. It is because “our” corruption is reported more boldly than in most places. On this front, and on the fight for peoples’ rights and freedoms, it is fair comment to say that the media has played a very important role. A fair criticism of the media is that sometimes the agenda it sets for national debate is not wholesome. For instance, on the historic day Konza Technological City was being launched, the news headlines on local stations were mundane things of no real national importance.
Their excuse is that this is what the people want, so give it to them. I doubt that the proposed laws are motivated by this shortcoming of the media.
Politicians understand the power of the media and are afraid of it, especially if they are up to no good. In a free democracy, the media ought to be left alone to perform its role of informing, educating and entertaining. On its part, the media must act responsibly and professionally. Defamation and libel laws and self-regulation mechanisms should be the key instruments through which the media is controlled. To place the responsibility of controlling the media in the hands of government is to deny the citizen a key watchdog, protector and informer.
