Impeached Deputy Rigathi Gachagua (right) and former UDA Secretary General Cleophas Malala. [File, Standard]

Impeached Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s troubles seem to be multiplying by the day. Even as he continues to rely on the courts to salvage his political career, the ruling United Democratic Alliance’s decision to remove him as deputy party leader has left him in a quandary.

According to Secretary General Hassan Omar, the decision to remove Gachagua is based on the requirement that the deputy party leader should also serve as deputy president.

Gachagua’s removal from the party’s upper echelons will be facilitated by the fact that, unlike other Kenya Kwanza co-principals, who entered a pre-election pact with President William Ruto, Gachagua did not have his own party and thus did not participate in drafting or signing the memorandum of understanding among the coalition parties that formed the government.

Aware of what may lie ahead, Gachagua recently expressed regret for supporting Ruto  without a political party to back him.

“As we went into the elections, nobody trusted him (Ruto). Mudavadi, Wetangula, Kingi, and Mutua demanded an MoU with him. I was the only one who trusted him verbally because we are Christians. We used to attend church together, and as a Christian, I believed a fellow Christian would never betray me or my people. We have made many mistakes in life and continue to learn. The people of Mt Kenya and I trusted President Ruto, believing he would never betray us,” he said.

Despite his regrets, Gachagua now faces twin challenges: Impeachment and removal as Deputy Party Leader of the ruling party.

Political analysts suggest his options include forming his own political party to consolidate the Mt Kenya region around him or mounting a strong legal defence to retain his position within the UDA party.

Charles Njoroge, a political analyst, observed that although the Constitution bars impeached leaders from running for public office, it does not prevent them from forming political parties.

“With his growing influence in the Mt Kenya region, fuelled by the perception of persecution by President Ruto, Gachagua must act swiftly to convert sympathy into a loyal following. He may achieve this by establishing a political party,” Njoroge said.

According to Njoroge, Kenyans dissatisfied with the Kenya Kwanza administration’s ‘mismanagement’ of the country may be among the first to join Gachagua’s party as a way of expressing discontent with Ruto’s government.

He noted that the high cost of living and an increase in extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances would work in Gachagua’s favour should he decide to form a political party.

“However, he must position himself as an alternative leader by openly criticising Ruto’s policies and standing with Kenyans when they feel oppressed by the administration. This is the only way he will remain relevant in national political discourse, potentially even replacing Azimio leader Raila Odinga, who has now joined the government through a broad-based coalition,” Njoroge added.

He further noted that while Gachagua would be barred from seeking elective office, his party could still sponsor candidates, with Gachagua acting as a power broker, akin to the former Kamba kingpin Mulu Mutisya.

“Mutisya could never run for the presidency due to illiteracy, but that didn’t prevent him from being a prominent Kamba leader. Leaders from all over sought his political counsel, and he mentored many, including Kalonzo,” Njoroge remarked.

Already, there are indications of a potential alliance between Gachagua and Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka. This alliance began when Kalonzo opposed the impeachment motion, directing Wiper-sponsored MPs and Senators to reject Gachagua’s ouster in the National Assembly and Senate.

Unlike Raila, who distanced himself from the debate and reportedly instructed his legislators to support the impeachment, Kalonzo visited Gachagua in Karen Hospital to convey his well wishes.

However, Prof Gitile Naituli suggested that Gachagua could only serve as an asset to Kalonzo if he remained impeached. He noted that if the courts were to overturn the impeachment, Gachagua might view himself as a more viable presidential candidate than Kalonzo.

“If I were Kalonzo, I’d show solidarity with Gachagua publicly while privately hoping the impeachment stands. This is because an impeached Gachagua could mobilise the Mt. Kenya vote for Kalonzo, whereas if the impeachment were overturned, Gachagua might impose conditions unfavourable to Kalonzo,” Naituli added.

If the Judiciary upholds Gachagua’s impeachment, he will be barred from contesting public office due to the integrity test requirement.

A similar ruling was issued against former Nairobi Governor Mike Sonko in 2022 when he sought to run for Mombasa governorship. The IEBC Dispute Resolution Committee upheld a decision to bar him based on his 2020 impeachment by the Nairobi County Assembly.

The court ruled that, as Sonko had been impeached by the Senate of Kenya, he was disqualified from holding any public office—a key factor in the IEBC’s decision not to clear him to contest the August general election.

A similar fate befell former Samburu Governor Moses Kasaine Lenolkulal, who was sentenced alongside nine others this August for involvement in a fuel supply scandal. The court invoked Section 64 of the Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Act, barring all convicted persons from public office for ten years.

On whether Gachagua should continue fighting to retain his position as UDA’s Deputy Party Leader, some political strategists argue that he should put up a strong defence rather than rushing to establish his own party.

“It would be premature for Gachagua to launch his own political platform, as his opponents could easily dismantle his strategy. He should instead use the courts as a means of masking his political ambitions,” observed Emmanuel Nyakundi, a youth leader in Nairobi.