Jubilee re-introducing political intolerance

The Jubilee Coalition promised Kenyans a national rebirth, in which a new nation, complete with a new brand of politics devoid of the old ways in which tribe was King would end and everything would be governed by modern democratic values of agreeing to disagree.

Midway down the line, the self-declared digital coalition and the government it runs are none of that. Instead, Jubilee is in an identity crisis, torn between embracing the old ways of its godfather, Kanu, and the modern democratic ideals of freedom to hold opinions, associate and freely share ideas.

It would appear that even within its ranks and across the country, Jubilee is not sure what it really is and whether there is a new political culture it is trying to bequeath the country.

Administrators are cautious because they don’t know whether Jubilee is Kanu of old, a generic of the old ruling party or a brand new organisation with a distinct and modern political culture.

Several incidents in the past one week are enough to illustrate the identity crisis Jubilee is going through. In Kathiani last week, a District Commissioner took off with his chiefs on learning that CORD leader Raila Odinga was to preside over the distribution of motorcycles to the administrators.

The DC was reading from an old script where Opposition leaders were regarded as enemies of the state and not allowed to initiate development. Not sure to what extent Jubilee is different from the former ruling party, the DC was uncertain whether it was safe to host the Opposition. He took the safest route to secure his job. He ran away.

As was the case in the past, the rule in the management of public affairs appears to be, if not sure, just take off or simply don’t allow. It is a script from an era when DCs and even chiefs would stop those viewed as critical of the government from participating in development initiatives like fundraisers or even just addressing people to share ideas.

In the Kathiani case, it was not enough that the DC took off. Machakos County Commissioner Ann Gakuria was reported to have told the area MP to take the motorbikes to his politicians because her chiefs would not take them.
That too was not new. At the peak of Kanu era, whole communities were coerced into returning donations and gifts from those viewed as enemies of the state. They proceeded to lead delegations to apologise to the authorities for having allowed enemies of the government to donate. Contribution to development was supposed to be the preserve of the government and its loyalists.

A pattern appeared to be emerging. In Nakuru, Governor Kinuthia Mbugua and his deputy Joseph Ruto announced a ban on referendum campaigns in the county and warned those spearheading the push for the vote to keep off.

Mbugua claimed the entire county had taken a stand against the referendum. “I want to make it very clear that no one will be allowed here to campaign or even hold a meeting intended to rally support for the said referendum,” Mbugua was reported saying.

Senate Majority Leader Kithure Kindiki followed, asking Raila Odinga to keep off Tharaka Nithi as he would not get any support for referendum there. Kindiki said Tharaka Nithi is totally a Jubilee zone and there was no need for opposition leadership to waste time visiting the county. The country appeared to be heading back to the era in the 1990s when certain parts of the country were declared Kanu zones where the opposition could tread at their own peril and at the risk of causing chaos. And when the opposition seemed to be making inroads into those zones, violence predictably erupted.

But it dates far earlier than that. The culture of zoning the country dates back to pre-independence days when Kanu and Kadu had clashing views of how Kenya ought to be governed. Vehemently opposed to the centralised system that Kanu was pushing for, Kadu declared its strongholds as out of reach for centralists.

Former President Daniel arap Moi captures the politics of zoning in his book The Making of an African Statesman capturing the conflict particularly between the Kalenjin and Kikuyu communities and how it all ended up in mini wars.
“Kalenjin leader William Murgor in Eldoret told his people that if Kadu’s regional plans were not accepted, he would sound a whistle to my people declaring civil war. Similar bellicose threats were made by the Kikuyu who embarked on large scale oathing in their Rift Valley strongholds of Molo and Elburgon in support of the formation of a Kikuyu government which would distribute land to their landless fellow tribesmen.”

In the end, Moi records, “African smiths were inundated with orders for spears. Bows and arrows were manufactured and stockpiled, poison was traded for goats and even grains...” Nothing has changed in the way Kenyans do their politics.
The events of last week went on as Migori Governor Okoth Obado was quietly assembling a team to come to Nairobi to apologise to the President. Political delegations which disappeared in the ten years of Mwai Kibaki are in vogue again, complete with loyalty declarations.

Analogue is certainly the new digital.